4.14. Task Force Report
This report sketches a frightening scenario of Sadam Hussein’s production capabilities for weapons of mass destruction, through joint programs in Sudan, Algeria and Libya. The quantities of toxins are reported to be great enough to ensure the death of untold numbers if used by Sadam Hussein. Libya reportedly also agreed to share Chinese, Iranian, and North Korean missile technology that Libya previously acquired and offered to fund and revive the Iraqi nuclear program.
For the first time in history, there now is the real danger of a non-conventional war being triggered by a ring of irrational conspiring Arab leaders like Sadam Hussein of Iraq and Gadaffi of Libya. This consortium of radical rulers are funding Pakistan in the development of a nuclear arsenal, far beyond the reach of any potential Israeli pre-emptive attack. Although there is little co-operation between these Muslim Arab leaders, they have one thing in common, their abhorrence of the USA and their hatred for Israel.
Exactly such a cataclysmic war confrontation of Israel with its enemy neighbours has been detailed 3000 years in advance by the Prophets of Israel, under inspiration of Divine Declaration by the God of Israel, Creator of the Universe. Their writings have been accurately preserved throughout these last 3 millennia in the Bible.
U.S. Congress Report on Unconventional Warfare Threat posed by Iraq
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515
THE IRAQI WMD CHALLENGE —
Myths and Reality
February 10, 1998
Nobody likes the idea of Saddam Hussein having weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and missiles capable of delivering their lethal warheads. The ramifications of their potential use in anger — the numbers of fatalities and injured they might inflict — are horrendous. However, as the US is getting ready to bomb in Iraq in order to address the challenge of that country’s remaining WMD arsenal, one should examine dispassionately what might be conceivably accomplished, and what would be the ramifications of the massive bombing campaign the Clinton Administration is advocating.
Significantly, the first major independent study of the possible magnitude of the Iraqi undeclared and concealed WMD arsenal was not conducted until the Summer of 1994. For this study, the BND (German Intelligence) relied on KNOWN Iraqi post-Gulf War illegal acquisitions of technology, sub-systems, and strategic materials in Western Europe (mainly Germany, Austria and Switzerland) to assess what could be done with these acquisitions. Even without taking into consideration such diverse inputs as Iraqi acquisitions from countries of the former Soviet Union, the PRC and Iran, as well as rumored but unproven acquisitions in Europe, the results of the BND study were startling for they pointed to several specific programs that not only had the UN inspectors been unaware of in mid 1994, but they have so far proven unable to discover and stop. For example, the Iraqi purchase of a special kind of igniter, with a short shelf-life, for SCUD-type warheads, strongly suggested that the Iraqis used these igniters for operational SCUD-type missiles, as they are capable of increasing the range. The BND thus concluded that it was “difficult to assess” the magnitude of the current Iraqi weapons program. There was no doubt that not only “some of the material equipment” was excluded from discovery and destruction by the UN, but certain projects were being revived and run clandestinely.
A new approach to studying the Iraqi WMD programs was adopted in the aftermath of the “defection” of Lt.Gen. Hussein Kamal in the Summer of 1995. Originated as an audacious ploy to destroy the anti-Saddam movement from within, the “defection” went sour when Baghdad panicked over reports of contacts between Kamal and the CIA in Amman. Consequently, Baghdad was compelled to surrender to the UN large quantities of material Kamal might have divulged while in Amman. Consequently, Kamal and his brother were lured back to Baghdad where they were promptly assassinated. Meanwhile, the entire perception of the extent of the Iraqi WMD program had to be reevaluated.
Most important was the realization that there is an on going Iraqi program the UN inspections team is highly unlikely to discover and stop. In January 1996, the assessment of the Israeli Military Intelligence was that within the next four years, Iraq would have ten SCUD launchers and some 150 SCUD-type missiles. Some of these missiles are to be equipped with warheads containing WMD. A major aspect of the Iraqi program as of the mid-1990s was the organization of a highly mobile transportation system for the operational elements. Thus, by late 1997, the Iraqis were capable of transferring a few thousand liters of biological materials to new concealed sites within two or three weeks without supervision. As far as Baghdad was concerned, once the materials were hidden, supervision may be permitted to resume as usual. Another indication of an anticipated expansion of Iraq’s ballistic missile activities came in late 1997/early 1998 with the appointment of two senior officers — Abd-al-Rizzaq Shihab of the Army and Muzahm Tassab al-Hassan of the Air Force — as deputy heads of the Military Industries authority. Both generals held senior command positions of Iraqi missile forces during the Gulf War and are considered Iraq’s leading experts in ballistic missile operations. Moreover, during 1997, Iraqi military units conducted several simulated deployments and launching of ballistic missiles of the type and range Iraq is not permitted to have.
Meanwhile, despite the ongoing presence of UN inspectors and the threat of resumed bombing, the Iraqi strategic arsenal continued to expand as the current British Government’s threat assessment testifies. In early 1998, Iraq is known to possess 48 SCUD-type missiles and six launchers. (Gen. Wafiq Samarraj, the former chief of Iraqi Military Intelligence, knew of at least 45 SCUD-type missiles with range of over 600 km and several others being repaired at the time of his defection in 1994.) A large portion of the 45 BW warheads/bomb containers Iraq acknowledged constructing in the late 1980s are believed to have survived the Gulf War and still elude the UN inspectors. The British Government estimates that the Iraqis still have 30 warheads capable of carrying chemical and\or biological weapons’ material. For these warheads and other weapons, Iraq has at least 8,400 liters of Anthrax, as well as 600 tons of chemicals that are sufficient for the production of 200 tons of VX nerve gas — where a single droplet can kill. (Samarraj reported that in 1994 Iraq concealed 200 containers with biological weapons, more than half of which are still considered in operational condition.)
And while public attention is focused on ballistic missiles, Iraq has even more effective and lethal platforms of the delivery of its weapons of mass destruction. In late December 1996, German intelligence confirmed that Iraqi weapons technicians developed a drone described as “the little guy’s cruise missile.” This unmanned aircraft is made of plastics and plywood — simple and cheap to produce without any tell-tale equipment that can attract the UN inspectors. The drone has a range of about 700 kilometers and is equipped with a very accurate GPS navigation system illegally purchased in the West. Each drone can carry 30 to 40 kilograms of biological or chemical warfare agents to the intended target. It is almost impossible to detect this drone by radar because of its size, slow speed and lack of metal parts. The BND’s experts are most alarmed by the Iraqi fielding of a version of this drone that can be also launched from ships. Consequently, one cannot rule out the possibility of an Iraqi-controlled commercial ship suddenly launching these drones outside the coasts of Europe — from where these missiles can reach and threaten London, Paris or Berlin — as well as the Atlantic coast of the US.
Another type of chemical weapons known to be in the Iraqi arsenal is “Agent 15” nerve agent. According to British Government sources, Agent 15 is a non-lethal psychochemical nerve gas designed to stupefy enemy forces. It is a derivative of BZ. The agent can be disseminated in various forms — from artillery and rocket warheads to pouring into water supplies. Depending on the concentration, Agent 15 can cause weakness, dizziness, disorientation, hallucinations and loss of co-ordination. At the level of concentration likely to affect unprotected troops on a battlefield, Agent 15 is expected to disorientate and disable soldiers for a relatively short time (measured in hours). Iraq is known to have experimented with BZ and various derivatives since at least 1985. The British learned that Iraq had built up large stocks of an operational version — Agent 15 — only in late 1997.
Thus, Iraq still has a small, diverse, but very deadly operational arsenal of WMD. If used operationally, the Iraqi weapons of mass destruction can cause heavy casualties among both civilian population and military forces not just in the Middle East, but even in the US. The key warhead and bomb components are very small and can be easily moved from one place of concealment to another. Furthermore, if the bulky protective measures of these components are removed, at a risk to the Iraqi troops and nearby population, the movement and concealment of these key warhead and bomb components becomes even more easy. Moreover, it is then virtually impossible to distinguish from afar between these warheads and comparable high-explosive systems — say, artillery shells.
Assuming that the US located these clandestine WMD, it is still far from certain the US will be able to bomb and destroy all the Iraqi operational weapons. And this has nothing to do with the accuracy of aircraft or the penetrability of smart munitions. The problem lies in the ruthlessness of Saddam’s regime and his desperate clinging to power. For example, what if the bulk of the chemical warhead components are stored in, say, the Baghdad Presidential Palace — two miles southeast of the edge of the Baghdad West Airport. The eruption of any such warhead, let alone a larger storage container, as a result of bomb damage will devastate the heart of Baghdad — killing countless innocent people. Is this a legitimate outcome of a US bombing campaign? The argument that Saddam is to be blamed for such a tragedy just because he had placed these weapons at the heart of Baghdad carries water only up to a certain point. Besides, Washington should dread the reverberations of such a justifiable act throughout the Muslim World. And what about an Iraqi “retaliation” against a US city using terrorists or a ship-borne drone?
One should not be surprised by this sad state of affairs.
The transfer of Iraqi WMD overseas started even before the outbreak of the Gulf War. Back in late 1990, when Baghdad realized Iraq would be subjected to intense bombing, key sensitive elements were smuggled out. Then, in the Spring of 1991, once the extent of the post-War inspection regime became clarified, especially given the type and amount of data provided to the West by numerous defectors, a second round of hasty smuggling took place. Essentially, the core of the next-generation projects of the Iraqi WMD programs was moved to safe-havens. A lot of know-how and key subsystems were shipped out with the idea of building alternate production facilities in the host countries.
Most important are the programs transferred to Libya and Sudan — two of Iraq’s closest allies during the Gulf War that have strong aspirations for WMD of their own. Libya, long struggling to overcome embargoes and the cancellation of arrangements for the supply of technology and systems from Western Europe, has been looking for the Iraqi embargo-busting knowledge and for Iraqi proven solutions for Libyan problems. Sudan needs WMD in order to hit the Black rebels in the south and deter Western intervention against the Islamist terrorism empire. Hence, Iraq found eager and willing partners for its efforts to circumvent the world’s campaign against its WMD.
While the initial movements of WMD stuff were emergency measures or by- products of other considerations, Baghdad reexamined its posture by late 1993. By then, Saddam Hussein had already realized that the UN inspections were not going away, and that the US remained determined to continue the policy of containment and sanctions. Moreover, the US retaliation for the June 1993 narrowly averted an attempt on the life of former President Bush by Iraqi intelligence convinced Baghdad that there would be no reconciliation with the US in the foreseeable future. Hence, Baghdad adopted a long term strategy to endure the global pressure. In March 1994, Babil (a newspaper run by Saddam Hussein’s eldest son Uday) declared that it would be “desirable for the leaders of Iraq, Libya and Sudan to hold a summit meeting … and adopt a common stance” to meet the challenges facing the Arab World.
Meanwhile, Iraq was reviving the international support system for its WMD development and production programs. By late 1994, Iraq’s secret purchasing system was completely restored. It was operating energetically not only to just restore previous capabilities but to support new projects — mostly outside Iraq. Anticipating that the sanctions would be lifted from Iraq, many European firms were rushing to grab a good share of what used to be a very lucrative market. Presently, the Iraqi-run system is made up of an endless and redundant web of Western firms and technology plants, liaison people, banks and financial institutes, secret merchants and middlemen — so that it is virtually impossible to discover all components, let alone bring down the system. The procurement system of the Iraqi intelligence has been resurrected, it functions, and it feels good. The present system has not only arose on the ruins of the previous one, but it has learned and overcome all the errors of the system of the 1980s. Significantly, virtually all the firms and plants that had worked for Iraq before the Gulf War have already found their way into the fold of the new system. This time however, many support and sustain programs in Libya and Sudan, as well as in third countries from where the Iraqis ship the goods on their own. Thus, when Lt.Gen. Hussein Kamal “defected” in the Summer of 1995, he was bringing data of what was left behind in Iraq — not on the wave of the future already being constructed in Sudan and Libya.
In March/April 1991, Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz requested permission from Sudan’s President Umar al-Bashir to move Iraqi chemical weapons and additional SCUD missiles to Sudan in order to circumvent their destruction by the UN. Al-Bashir agreed. Thus, in the Summer of 1991, as UN inspections became inevitable, Iraq transferred a large number of SCUDs, estimated at about 400 missiles, and chemical weapons, for “safekeeping” in Yemen and Sudan. Soon afterwards, with Saudi pressure on Yemen growing, the Iraqi ballistic missiles were shipped from Yemen to Sudan. In 1993, Iraq sent additional chemical weapons to Sudan, this time through Iran.
Meanwhile, Iraq also transferred in the Summer of 1991 some nuclear material to Sudan for temporary storage. This program continued into mid 1992 with fissionable material, documents, and weapons’ sub-systems being shipped via Jordan utilizing Sudanese diplomatic mail privileges. For example, a truck carrying “furniture” from the Sudanese Embassy in Iraq to Khartoum in mid January 1992 was actually loaded with barrels of uranium. Among the Iraqi material sent to Sudan were approximately 27.5 pounds of 93% U-235 which had been originally supplied to Iraq by France for use in the French-built Osiraq research reactor. (However, since there are no nuclear facilities in Sudan, the bulk of the nuclear materials was shipped forward to the Algerian reactor in Ain-Oussera — a PRC-built reactor with military/weapons development capacity. Algeria is still storing the Iraqi nuclear equipment and radioactive materials.)
With the UN inspections continuing, Baghdad committed itself to bolstering the regime in Khartoum — a key storage site for Iraq’s strategic systems. By the Fall of 1993, a large number of Iraqis moved into the area of the Red Sea mountain range — in Madabay in Khawr Ashraf, Port Sudan, in the region of Dalawat on the Red Sea near Hala’ib, and the city of Tawker in region of Karnakanat. The Iraqis brought into these installations high-tech equipment and computers, missiles, defense systems, anti-aircraft systems and radar systems. By late 1993, the regions surrounding these installations were experiencing strict security measures and 24-hour armed patrols roam around it. In some areas, such as in the Port Sudan area, shepherds and nomads were completely removed from security zones with a 60 km circumference.
The Spring-Summer of 1995 saw the emergence of an Iraqi-Iranian-Sudanese
Axis. This Axis was the outcome of secret contacts between Iraq and Sudan,
culminating in the visit to Khartoum by the Iraqi Social Affairs Minister Latif
Nusayyif Jasim. In order to implement this Axis agreement, about 20 intelligence
officers were added to the Iraqi Embassy in Khartoum (second only to the 26
operatives assigned to the Iraqi embassy in Amman, Jordan). Many of these
intelligence officers are involved in sanctions busting via Sudan and Africa.
Baghdad and Khartoum also reached an agreement to implement a comprehensive
plan for strategic cooperation in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. The
agreement included provisions for the dispatch of Iraqi Air Force officers and other
military experts specialized in missiles, artillery, and ground battles in order to assist
Sudan in meeting the ramifications of the mounting crisis with Egypt. Baghdad
committed itself to supporting the Sudanese regime in what the Iraqis term “a cover
for foreign interference in Sudan.”
Providing Sudan with rudimentary chemical warfare capabilities was a major
request from Bashir that Saddam Hussein authorized. The deal followed a visit
to Sudan of a high-level Iraqi delegation, led by the Chief of the Chemical
Weapons Directorate of the Iraqi Defense Ministry. The delegation surveyed the sites Iraqi experts would have to operate in. On their return to Baghdad, the delegation recommended a prudent approach to meeting the needs of the Sudanese. Saddam conveyed the message to Bashir and both presidents reached an agreement on CW cooperation.
Meanwhile, teams of Iraqi intelligence, military and commando officers arrived in Khartoum in the Summer of 1995 to assist the Sudanese armed forces against what the Iraqis now called “foreign intervention in Sudan.” Officially, the Iraqi expeditionary units had two tasks: (1) to supervise and maintain the Iraqi strategic weapons and military equipment stored in Sudan away from the UN inspection teams; and (2) train the Sudanese in intelligence work and help reorganize the Sudanese Army along the same lines as the Iraqi Republican Guard. By the Fall, the impact of the Iraqi-Sudanese cooperation was apparent in the performance of units fighting in the south and deployed near the Egyptian border in the north-east.
Moreover, Iraqi Republican Troops were sighted by rebels in southern Sudan in the Fall of 1995, fighting in the Pibor area. About 120 Iraqi crews arrived in the area in stages along with tanks bearing the insignia of Iraqi Republican Guard units. Iraqi artillery forces were involved in the shelling of SPLA camps in Torit with Napalm bombs, killing or wounding 260 people. Uthman Abd-al-Qadir visited Baghdad — reminding the Iraqis of Sudan’s support during the Iran-Iraq War and the Gulf War and requesting massive military support for Khartoum. Indeed, Iraqi military equipment and supplies soon arrived in Khartoum, as additional Republican Guard forces were preparing for direct participation in the war in the south along with the Sudanese units they had trained. Significantly, following Abd-al-Qadir’s visit, Iraq deployed to Sudan some 50 “advanced SCUD launchers” and a similar number of al-Hussayn missiles. In October 1995, Iranian and Iraqi engineers, including some missile experts, were upgrading an old airfield in East Sudan for the arrival and storage of additional strategic weapons from Iraq. The majority of the Iraqi SCUD-type missiles were stored in a well protected and well concealed site within the Port Sudan military compound in late 1997/early 1998.
The first joint Iraqi-Sudanese WMD project was facilities initially readied for the
handling and service of CW munitions and ultimately the production of basic CW
agents. The CW facility was built during 1995 in an area near Wau, in the
Bahr-el-Ghazal Province in south-western Sudan, some 300 kilometers from the
Uganda border. The key CW facility is located in a big fruit production factory
taken over by the military. Although the Wau facility is controlled by the Sudanese
military, Iraqi technicians work there to supervise safety and security procedures.
Iraqi officers are also in charge of the gas storage site.
At first, the Iraqis sought to exhaust stockpiles of mustard gas they had stored in
Sudan since the Gulf War. With a plausible Sudanese source for these munitions —
the Wau facility — the Iraqis began using chemical munitions in the Fall of 1995,
months before the Wau facility became operational. At first, planes piloted by Iraqis
dropped crude chemical munitions around Kadugli and in the Namang mountains in
southern Sudan. According to Sudanese opposition sources, witnesses reported
that “deaths and injuries occurred among residents” and that “there was a big change in the color of the corpses and of animals and trees.” Comparable sightings
were reported in Afghanistan and South-East Asia. It was impossible to retrieve
samples and more precise details because of the region’s remoteness. Intelligence
reports identified the agents used as low-quality Mustard taken from an early
consignment shipped from Iraq to Sudan immediately after the Gulf War.
Meanwhile, Iraq and Sudan built the chemical weapons factory at a secret location
near Wau. Production began in the Fall of 1995. At first, an Iraqi team
manufactured the Mustard gas. Gradually, they handed over production to the
Sudanese military. However, Iraqi technicians remained responsible for final phases
of the manufacture of the gas and its safe storage. The Wau factory gave Khartoum
the capability of using “home-grown” mustard gas against the rebels, thus not
implicating its allies in chemical warfare. Toward the end of 1995, the Iraqi
technicians were able to develop a crude but reliable delivery system for the
Mustard Gas produced at Wau. Hence, the Iraqis could stop using their old bombs
which were now implicating Baghdad. Instead, the Sudanese introduced crude
canisters which they rolled off the back of An-24/An-26 transport aircraft. Most of
these canisters missed their targets because of poor coordination between Sudanese
ground forces and the aircraft.
Soon after production started in Wau, the Sudanese Armed Forces used Mustard
Gas canisters against the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) on at least two
occasions in late 1995: The first was at Nimule and the second was at Kuya — both
sites are near Juba, Sudan’s southern capital then wasdefended by tens of thousand
of government troops against a tightening siegeby the SPLA forces. Since late 1995,
there have been several reports allegingthe use of chemical weapons in southern
Sudan, and with varying degrees ofindependent corroboration and specificity of
technical details. In 1997, several reports of use of Mustard Gas canisters during
bombing raids in eastern Sudan, mainly in the Tulushi/Tulus mountains area, were
Meanwhile, the Iraqis and the Sudanese continued to maintain the Iraqi clandestine arsenal in operational status. Some of the Iraqi equipment concealed in Sudan was examined and tested in early 1996, and then buried in several underground sites west of Khartoum. One such site is in Soba. The Iraqis and the Sudanese also carried out tests of chemical agents in the desert not far from the Al-Thoura district of Omdurman. In May, residents got sick when winds shifted suddenly and carried residues into the city.
A new phase in the Iraqi cooperation with Sudan began in early 1997. In mid
January, Baghdad officially termed the fighting in southern Sudan a US-Zionist
conspiracy. “Washington does not hide its intention to destroy Sudan and it has
already taken a series of hostile steps against Sudan, taking advantage of certain
well-known developments that have emerged.” TheIraqi propaganda machine stated
that “Khartoum is being subjected to aUS-Zionist scheme that seeks to achieve
long-range objectives. Most prominentamong these objectives is to ignite a civil war
to divide this country, as a prelude to completely destroying Egypt and suffocating
it by taking control of the Nile River water.” Significantly, Baghdad concluded that
“Sudan’s national security is a vital part of pan-Arab security. What Sudan is
undergoing is a dangerous episode in a series played by the enemies of the Arab
Nation and the Muslims. These enemies are trying to destroy any hope for
pan-Arab renaissance, scientific advancement, and unity. They are setting the
appropriate conditions to establish Zionist-US hegemony over the Arab world.”
These were not empty words. In late February, ships began arriving in Port Sudan loaded with Iraqi weapons removed from a storage in Yemen. The first ship to arrive was the al-Obied under the command of Captain Naji Asam Maki. It arrived from Mukalla (in Yemen) carrying, among other arms, 600 anti-tank weapons. Sudan officially denied the arrival of Iraqi weapons.
However, soon afterwards, in early March 1997, Sudan and Iraq pledged mutual
support during talks here between Umar al-Bashir and the visiting Iraqi presidential
envoy Shabib al-Malik. Bashir asked Malik to assure Saddam Hussein of Sudan’s
“support for Iraq and its rejection of attempts for UNsanctions against that Arab
country.” Malik expressed Iraq’s support for Sudan “against the aggression it is
facing” and promised military and other help. Most important was the conclusion
reached by Iraqi military experts that only a ruthless total war has a chance of
defeating the Black rebels in southern Sudan. Now, Malik assured Bashir that Iraq
was ready to support and facilitate the required escalation given certain specific
conditions — Iraq would build in Sudan sophisticated factories for chemical and
biological weapons from systems presently hidden in Iraq and Sudan, as well as
components acquired in the West and share some of the products with the
Sudanese Armed Forces.
Consequently, in early May 1997, Iraq began to secretly transfer to Sudan
equipment and materials for the production of weapons of mass destruction.
Saddam Hussein authorized the dispatch to Sudan of various components he had
so far kept hidden in Iraq as a strategic reserve. Further more, Iraqi experts arrived
in Sudan to begin preparing the storage and production of biological weapons that
Saddam originally planned to use against the Kurds. At the same time, Iraqi teams
conducted simulation training on firing long-range SCUD missiles even though Iraq
is authorized to manufacture and own only short-range un-guided missiles.
By the Summer of 1997, Khartoum completed the building of a new and far more sophisticated chemical weapons production factory in the region of Kafuri, north of Khartoum on the banks of the Blue Nile. A key strategic installation, the Kafuri facility is under the direct command of Brigadier Bakri Hassan Salih, Sudan’s Chief of Security Forces. Moreover, two NIF “ideological officials” — Imad Hussayn and Jamal Zaatan — supervise the activities in Kafuri on behalf of Hassan al-Turabi. The Kafuri facility is comprised of five separate departments — laboratories and test-run/prototype production sites for both chemical weapons (including nerve agents) and biological weapons, as well as storage sites for both bulk chemicals and loaded weapons (both chemical and biological). Initial test runs of some of the production processes of chemical weapons, most likely nerve agents, already has taken place. Among the chemical weapons tested in Kafuri are 122mm and 152mm artillery shells as well as rocket and tactical missile warheads. In building this factory, the Sudanese relied on technical assistance from Iraq and Iran. Additional expertise was provided by experts and technicians from Egypt, Croatia, Bulgaria, and Russia who were recruited by Iraqi intelligence on behalf of the Sudanese. The key experts are residing in a luxurious dormitory inside the compound.
The Iraqis also construct a separate facility for the production and weaponization of large quantities of chemical agents. In the Spring of 1996, work already started on a production facility in the Yarmook facility in the Mayu area, south of Khartoum. The first phase of the complex was commissioned on August 15, 1996, and the entire complex was in virtual operational status in the Fall of 1997. Formally known as The Yarmook Industrial Complex, the military-controlled strategic installations cover an area of 10×20 kms in al-Shagara, beyond southern Khartoum. There are over 300 small buildings and sheds in seven clusters in the compound. The complex includes a production line for chemical agents, as well as production facilities for military equipment and weapons connected with the use of chemical weapons (warheads, bombs, and cannisters, as well as protective gears, special modifications to combat vehicles carrying these weapons, etc.).
The Yarmook production lines for chemical agents are a derivative of comparable facilities built in Iraq. The key production facilities are comprised of German-made machines acquired by Iraqi intelligence and smuggled via Bulgaria. Additional equipment, mainly computers, were purchased by the Iraqis in France. In addition, the compound includes a special medical clinic, sport facilities, a mosque, a high security living site where Muslim foreign experts from Iraq, Iran, and Bulgaria live in two dormitories, guest houses for senior officials from Iraq and Iran (who are involved in these projects and make frequent visits to Sudan), as well as a small farm ensuring the supply of fresh milk, vegetables and dates (independent of the chronic shortages afflicting Sudan).
Anticipating large volume production, the Sudanese authorities and the Iraqi experts
also began the construction of well protected underground storage sites south of
Jebel Awlia (White Nile Province), the Kerari area (north of Omdurman) Shambat
al-Araadi (north of Khartoum North), an area west of the Hrriyya bridge
(Khartoum), an area near the Horse Race Course Club (in Khartoum South), Green
Village (New Development area near Khartoum), as well as in Gedaref, al-Fau, and
Shendi. The Sudanese military has recently begun training pilots and artillery
officers in the maintaining and use of chemical weapons in a special school set up in
the Wadi Seidna military compound (north of Omdurman). Another unique center
for the development of chemical weapons for use by Islamist terrorists, mainly
those affiliated with Usamah bin-Ladin, is being built near the Islamic Center in
Soba (soth west of Khartoum). According to Sudanese opposition sources,
Khartoum’s plans call for the Kafuri and Mayu installations to go into full
production sometimes in 1999. The Iraqi and Iranian experts anticipate the Kafuri
installations to be largely operational in the first half of 1999, and the Mayu
production and weaponization facilities to be operational in the second half of that
Khartoum’s self-confidence in its growing chemical warfare capabilities came to
light in mid November 1997. Sudan formally threatened Uganda with strikes with
chemical weapons if it continued to support the Christian Black rebels. This
warning came despite Kampala’s previous denials of cooperation with the sudanese
rebels and Khartoum’s adamant denials of CW capabilities or use.
By the time the Gulf Crisis erupted in 1990, several Iraqi researchers were already
working in Libya as individuals, as were several foreign scientists who had worked
in Iraq beforehand. Most were working on Chemical weapons projects, primarily in
Rabta. At first Saddam reluctant to share with Qadhafi some of the unique
achievements of the Iraqis. However, with pressure from UN inspections mounting,
and with intelligence leaking from defectors, Iraq had no alternative but to transfer
more and more sensitive projects to Libya as the sole venue for their continuation.
Although Sudan was glad to receive anything Iraq had to offer, it had such an
abysmal scientific-technological infrastructure that it could not sustain the more
sophisticated Iraqi programs. Thus, with not too many takers of the Iraqi systems,
Libya would have to do. Meanwhile, Qadhafi was most interested in receiving
extensive help from Iraqi scientists for his own covert, biological, weapons program
and conditioned his support for Saddam on cooperation in this field. Thus, since
the early 1990s, Iraqi scientists have been working in Libya in order to continue the key Iraqi research and production programs into advanced and next generation CW and BW.
At first, Baghdad considered the cooperation with Tripoli a temporary necessity. For a while, in the early 1990s, Iraq did not transfer complete projects to Libya. Consequently, several scientists and engineers from the Iraqi military industries were commuting between Iraq and Libya via Amman. They were using new passports with false names and occupations. However, as the contacts were expanding and the Libyans were being exposed to a wider variety of Iraqi programs, Tripoli decided to formalize and expand the cooperation. A special committee of the Libyan defense establishment arrived in Baghdad and negotiated a comprehensive agreement on expanded cooperation in conventional, chemical and biological weaponry. In accordance with these agreements, the Libyans signed contracts with several Iraqi military industry experts. These contracts were drawn as if they were academic invitations for Iraqi professors to lecture in Libyan universities and institutions. At the same time, however, the key Iraqi program equipment, systems and elements remained concealed inside Iraq in anticipation for the end of the UN inspections so that WMD development and production can be resumed.
Meanwhile, Baghdad at first drew the line concerning the Iraqi nuclear program. Lingering doubts concerning Libya’s long-term strategic cooperation with Syria and Iran prevailed, and Iraq would take no chances. In 1991-92, Iraqi intelligence feared a Libyan use of financial enticements as an inducement for defections of Iraqi nuclear scientists to the point of undertaking extreme measures to prevent such a trend.
For example, in July 1992, Iraqi agents shot and killed in Amman, Jordan, Muayad Hassan Naji Janabi — an Iraqi nuclear scientist. Janabi worked for the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission until 1986, when he was transferred to the Ministry of Military Industries. In 1992, Janabi was on vacation in Jordan. However, he was shot when on his way to pick up Tunisian visas for transit to Libya. He had been offered a “teaching position” at “an atomic institute” in Libya. Baghdad must have been worried because Janabi was supposed to return to Iraq a week earlier and rumors surfaced he had attempted to get to the UK and the US, and failed to get academic visas. By then, Saddam Hussein had banned key personnel in the military-industrial system from leaving Iraq without permission, and fearing that Janabi would not reveal Iraqi nuclear weapons program secrets, he was shot by two Iraqi agents. The two Iraqis were arrested for the assassination but quickly released and sent to Baghdad.
However, by the mid 1990s, Baghdad could no longer be selective in its
cooperation with Libya. The BND’s 1994 studies of the Iraqi procurement system in Europe was unsettling for it threatened Iraq’s ability to revive key WMD programs just as the Iraqi system was being restored to its pre-Gulf War magnitude. Moreover, the UN inspection regime was beginning to grasp the complexity of the Iraqi challenge. Indeed, even before the Summer 1995 “defection” of Lt.Gen. Hussein Kamal, the UN was increasing its efforts to locate hidden stuff. As discussed above, Kamal’s “defection” was prompted by Baghdad’s apprehension that the UN was capitalizing on data provided by genuine defectors in order to zero in on Iraq’s hidden WMD facilities. For example, Iraq’s biological facilities were first subjected to a meaningful inspection in April 1995, on the eve of the “defection.” Even though by then, Baghdad had already hidden its biological weapons cache and destroyed all evidence of its existence, the mere UN visit to the abandoned sites was too close for comfort.
Meanwhile, with the Iraqi-Libyan cooperation in chemical weapons development
and production going well, Saddam authorized already in the Summer/Fall of 1994
the move of other weapons programs to Libya. Arrangements for closer
cooperation were quickly made.
In January 1995, Iraq and Libya signed a major agreement whereby Iraqi specialists will work at a secret Libyan establishment on the development of a long-range ballistic missiles with range of about 1,000 km. A senior Iraqi Trade Ministry official, Hajem Attiya Salma arrived in Tripoli for final discussions with AbdAllah Hijazi, the head of Libya’s Scientific Research authorities. In the agreement reached, Qadhafi agreed to pay the salaries of the Iraqi experts — some $1,200 a month — as well as finance the acquisition of Western technology. Moreover, the Iraqis were promised access to the Chinese, Iranian, and North Korean missile technology Libya had already acquired. Baghdad promised to share all the experience acquired in the Gulf War. Iraq did not have much alternative. Incapable of working, the Iraqi design teams built around experts trained at the best European and Russian establishments were falling apart. Now Qadhafi was offering to fund and provide cover for the revival of the al-Hussein and Badr missiles under the cover of the Libyan al-Fatakh program.
Meanwhile, the Libyans were most interested in the Iraqi experience with
biological weapons, particularly the advanced stages of the militarization projects. In the ensuing negotiations, Baghdad acknowledged that Iraq still possessed several biological weapons and warheads for them. The Iraqis would share these technologies with the Libyans provided that Tripoli agreed to also sustain and fund the revival of the Iraqi military nuclear program. By 1995, some of the Iraqi nuclear materials were being held in Algeria while the key systems and design elements were being hidden all over Iraq in dormant state. Iraqi experts were apprehensive that the lack of proper maintenance and storage conditions under the sand in desert temperatures were destroying the sophisticated equipment. Hence, the Iraqi negotiators suggested that Iraqi nuclear fuel could reach Libya by sea within weeks after the signing of an agreement, and that Iraqi experts in Libya would then be able to begin enriching it after installing more small or medium-sized kilns/furnaces.
As expected by the Iraqis, the lure of nuclear weapons was irresistible for Qadhafi.
A high-level Libyan delegation led by Major Raad Bin-Id al-Daffi from the Libyan
Engineering and Military Industrialization arrived in Baghdad on August 30, 1995.
They negotiated with the Iraqis a comprehensive agreement that still serves as the
cornerstone of the Iraqi-Libyan strategic and military cooperation. The agreement
stipulated the extent to which Libya would go to assist Iraq in the expansion of the
Iraqis’ own WMD programs as well as in evading the UN stringent surveillance of
Iraq’s military plants.
The first step was the quick transfer to Libya of an Iraqi military nuclear project
that numerous Arab and European experts described as being “in its final stages”.
By then, after Kamal’s “defection” went sour, Saddam gave up on keeping the key
elements of the WMD programs in Iraq and ordered their swift transfer to Libya
before the UN closed in on them. Hence, several experts and equipment were
immediately dispatched to Libya to prepare for the transfer of the nuclear program.
The main item Baghdad was adamant on saving was a limited quantity of
semi-enriched nuclear fuel transferred to the Aba Agricultural and Scientific
Research Center, east of Baghdad, under the direct supervision of Lt.Gen Amir
Rashid, director the Iraqi Military Industrialization Organization (MIO). The
initial transfer was made possible by the suspension of UN surveillance of this center after the Iraqis had moved its equipment to Abu-Ghurayb region near Baghdad. In the meantime, Iraq was hiding the nuclear fuel in large underground storage facilities near the Aba center. After conditioning the nuclear material for transportation, it was sent by sea to Libya within weeks.
Meanwhile, a high-level MIO delegation headed by Dr. Jafar Diya Jafar, one of Iraq’s leading nuclear scientists, arrived in Libya in mid October 1995 to oversee the installation of the small nuclear furnaces. The Iraqi nuclear program would be located at Sidi Abu Zurayq in the desert 380 km southwest of Tripoli. By the end of 1995, the MIO experts began enriching the Iraqi nuclear material having successfully installed the small- and medium-sized kilns/furnaces there.
The most important indication of the intimate strategic cooperation between
Baghdad and Tripoli was in Western Europe. Since the mid 1990s, Iraqi
intelligence has been diverting purchases of dual-use and sensitive technologies in
Germany, Austria, and Switzerland to Libya. In the process, Libyan intelligence
was given access to the Iraqis’ most secure shipment routes — where exported
goods are shipped to Bulgaria where local companies are identified as the end-users,
and from where the goods are forwarded illegally to Iraq and now also Libya.
Furthermore, starting the mid 1990s, Iraqi intelligence has been assisting Russian
and other ex-Soviet scientists to acquire third-country passports in Central and Latin
America so they can travel to and work in Iraq. Following the new cooperation
agreements, Iraqi intelligence began sending these scientists to Libya for work on
the joint Iraqi-Libyan WMD projects. Honduras was the site of a major program in
1995-96. Additional Iraqi intelligence operatives, all experts in the procurement of high-technology, arrived in Germany in early 1996. They began a still ongoing effort to revive dormant relationships as well as establish new ones. However, the reorganized Iraqi procurement system is now diverting the bulk of the goods to Libya rather than Iraq.
The first results of the January 1995 ballistic missile agreement were already
showing by the Summer of that year. Using Western-made systems and computers smuggled from both Iraq and Europe, the highly experienced Iraqis succeeded to make sense in the Libyan convoluted missile program — integrating the inputs and technologies from the numerous and often incompatible foreign sources. In the second half of 1996, the Iraqi scientists and know-how provided such a boost to the Libyan ballistic missile program, that NATO’s threat assessment had to be revised. The new assessment, NATO Report MC 161/96, concludes tha Libya could be in possession of medium-range ballistic nuclear missiles pointed at the NATO Mediterranean flank by the year 2006. The NATO study predicts that within a decade, Qadhafi’s Libya will have medium-range ballistic missiles with a range of between 1,000 and 3,000 km that can be fitted with nuclear, chemical, or bacteriological warheads.
In late 1995, Saddam Hussein finally relented and authorized the transfer
to Libya the secrets of Iraq’s most sensitive armament programs — particularly the
biological weapons program, which Qadhafi’s wanted most. With the UN
inspections now expected to remain in Iraq for the foreseeable future, Baghdad
decided to retain in Iraq only the operational biological bombs and warheads, as
well as the equipment required to sustain them in operational posture. In early
1996, Saddam ordered that the surviving sophisticated development and production
systems as well as the extensive know how and related documentation would be
transferred to Libya.
The large extent of the Iraqi biological warfare effort and the huge magnitude of the
systems and documentation that have eluded the UN inspections can be deduced
from the fact that it took the Iraqis more than a year to collect their material and
prepare it for clandestine shipment to Libya. Only then, once Baghdad was ready to
begin the transfer of the BW program to Libya, was Tripoli notified. The framework for the new deal between Libya and Iraq was signed in May during a
visit to Baghdad by members of a Libyan industrialists’ organization. Soon
afterwards, high-level Libyan delegations arrived in Baghdad in mid 1997 to discuss
the modalities of the upgrading of the Iraqi support for, and participation in, the
Libyan WMD program. On the basis of these discussions, Baghdad and Tripoli
finalized the signing of the May 1997 agreement that still dominates their expanding
Between late 1997 and early 1998, on the basis of this latest agreement, Iraq
undertook two distinct moves that, once completed, would dramatically alter
Libya’s WMD capabilities.
First, starting late 1997, Baghdad moved to dramatically upgrade the Libyan Chemical Weapons programs. Senior Iraqi scientists with experience in CW production joined other Iraqi researchers some of whom have been in Libya since the 1991 Gulf War, working on CW projects first in Rabta and presently in the plant inside a mountain at Tarhunah, 60 km south-east of Tripoli. The Iraqis are experts in the production of nerve agents and other chemical weapons. The Iraqis’ primary contribution is in expediting the move from the research and development phase to the mass production of operational weapons. Once integrated into the Libyan CW program, the Iraqi expertise will enable Libya to achieve self-sufficiency in the production of chemical weapons. Given the current pace of construction in the underground chemical production plant near Tarhunah, the plant can become operational by the year 2000.
The second move was providing Libya with the key to operational Biological
Weapons. About a dozen Iraqi scientists involved in biological research arrived in Libya around the beginning of 1998, where special living quarters have been arranged for them. They are to help the Libyans develop a new biological warfare complex under the guise of a Tripoli-area medical facility called General Health Laboratories. The Libyan biological warfare program is believed to be codenamed Ibn Hayan. Since this program will be based in its entirety on the Iraqi covert program to develop biological weapons, the Iraqi experts are expected to reach the weaponization phase quite quickly. Libya is interested in bombs and missile warheads with anthrax and botulism agents. For the running of the Ibn Hayan project, Qadhafi established a special office within the Libyan Ministry of Defense that reports directly to him. The program has been given the highest possible priority by Qadhafi and both Libyan and Iraqi procurement operatives throughout the world have been told to spare no funds in order to expedite the purchase of the sub-systems the Iraqi experts require for the “weaponization” programs.
would neither destroy Iraq’s WMD operational capabilities nor touch its main
WMD production lines in Libya and Sudan.
At the same time, the strategic mega-trends in the Middle East, exacerbated by the
current crisis environment, entice a dramatic breakout in the form of a regional war.
Saddam Hussein is not the only local leader aspiring for war as the best way out of
a political deadlock. In the case of Iraq, with the entire Iraqi Armed Forces — from
tanks and artillery pieces to aircraft, and from ammunition stockpiles to fuel dumps
— high on the US target list, Baghdad has a special incentive to “lose” them in
heroic martyrdom — say, spearheading and instigating a regional war with Israel —
rather than have them destroyed by US bombs and missiles. There are enough
non-state entities — from Arafat’s pro-Iraq al-Fatah forces to the Islamist HAMAS,
HizbAllah and Islamic Jihad — who would gladly provide the spectacular and lethal
provocation required to spark the cataclysmic eruption.
No WMD are required to set the Muslim World ablaze.
Meanwhile, the panic afflicting Israel only reduces Jerusalem’s ability to make a
realistic threat assessment, and formulate its strategy in a cool and calculated
manner. And the US bombing campaign will only add some explosives and fuel to
September 18, 2002
Bodansky reveals ominous Facts about missing Suitcase Nukes
NewsMax.com News Alert
Just this week, the head of Ukraine’s communist party admitted that some 200 Soviet-era nuclear warheads have simply disappeared.
Pravda reports that a Ukrainian parliamentary member reveals that some of the warheads have been “lost.” Previous press reports indicate as many as 50 nuclear suitcase devices are also missing from Russia’s nuclear arsenal.
These reports confirm details of an exclusive briefing given to NewsMax readers earlier this month by Yossef Bodansky.
Yossef Bodansky is the author of the New York Times #1 best seller “Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on America.” He is arguably the world’s foremost expert on al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden, and he offers a stunning, confidential briefing to NewsMax’s Off-the-Record Club.
Among his many revelations: Osama bin Laden obtained several nuclear devices from the Russian mafia. Bodansky’s also claims that bin Laden has sought and received “fatwahs” — special religious dispensations — to explode such devices in the U.S. Bodansky cites Israeli and U.S. intelligence sources for his information.
Bodansky’s information is not to be ignored. He has been warning the United States and the West about the dangers of Islamic terrorists since the late 1980s. He is now one of the most sought-after experts consulted by the U.S. government and governments worldwide. Bodansky is the director of the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare. He is the author of eight books on international terrorism and global crises, and is a former senior consultant for the U.S. departments of Defense and State.
You can find out about Bodansky’s Off the Record briefing by clicking here:
Here are just some of the valuable information you’ll hear on this exclusive “Off the Record with Yossef Bodansky” tape:
** Why the current war by terrorists is actually a “desperation” move by the Islamic extremists, who believe that if they don’t destroy the U.S., they will cease to exist
** His stunning revelation that “there is no such thing as al-Qaeda” – and who is really behind bin Laden and his associates and why many in the media don’t understand the real enemy
** The Islamic war is by no means over. Bodansky warns that this war will last a long time and will be “painful” to the U.S.
** The clear warning offered by the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and how U.S. intelligence agencies dropped the ball
** The anthrax attacks are not the result of domestic terrorism, as the FBI claims. Bodansky offers compelling evidence that a foreign terrorist nation is behind the attacks.
** The shocking revelation that bin Laden already has several suitcase nuclear devices – and may already have one positioned in the U.S. (Bodansky reveals why bin Laden hasn’t used these weapons yet and the clues that he is preparing to do so in the near future)
** New evidence that the Iraqi have worked closely with bin Laden and even sent scientists to help prepare his nuclear devices
** Iraqi and Pakistani experts have even helped bin Laden’s network weaponize chemical and biological weapons.
** The significant mistake the U.S. already has made in Afghanistan, and why he believes the U.S action there has not significantly disrupted terrorist plans that will occur in the near future
** His conclusion that the terrorists are actually stronger since 9-11
** The inside U.S. government knowledge that several thousand highly trained terrorist killers like those who conducted 9-11 are still within the borders of the U.S. – supported by 10 times the number of support agents
** What U.S. and Israelis know about bin Laden’s latest whereabouts – including handwritten letters they have intercepted
** Why Bodansky believes that the terrorists could well strike at U.S. civilian airliners once again – and do so with great success.
** What war with Iraq will really mean and the possibility of a worldwide conflagration with other terror nations like North Korea or others attacking the U.S. at the same time.